close
close

Why does the alt-right love interracial adult content so much?

Why does the alt-right love interracial adult content so much?

Some on the far right have developed an obsessive fixation on two things: interracial relationships and pornography.

If you venture into the conspiracy-filled world of X (formerly Twitter), you’ll find discussions about the Great Replacement Theory disturbingly common. This white supremacist conspiracy theory – spread on the site by owner Elon Musk himself – suggests that a sinister “they” (an anti-Semitic euphemism for Jews) is secretly bringing people of color into the country to vote for Democrats and ultimately “replace” the white population.

When it comes to pornography, this conspiracy takes a twisted turn. There is a belief that the same sinister “importing immigrants to vote for Democrats” (regarding Jews) group is using interracial cuckold pornography as a tool to emasculate white men and manipulate them into accepting interracial relationships. It sounds absurd and it is.

SEE ALSO:

How Big Tech approaches blatant, senseless deepfakes

Meanwhile, statistics show that Americans watch cuckold pornography – in which a man watches his wife have sex with another man – in staggering numbers. According to a spokesperson for adult video site Clips4Sale, sales of cuckold content have skyrocketed — up 191 percent since 2020 and 75 percent last year alone. Meanwhile, Blacked, a site known for high-definition interracial content, has become Pornhub’s second most popular tube according to the Channels page, boasting three million subscribers and 2.6 billion views.

The reality is that interracial porn, especially involving black men and white women, is one of the most popular genres of porn and is a central element of one of the most contradictory breakdowns of the alt-right.

The origins of racist tropes in porn

While cuckold porn doesn’t necessarily have to do with race, it often does, sex worker advocate Mike Stabile told Mashable. “The basic idea is that you feel humiliated when your wife has sex with a black man who is stereotyped as better endowed and more sexual,” he explained.

This stereotype, which portrays black men as hypersexual and having larger genitalia, is rooted in racism and dates back to the Elizabethan era. European colonizers spread these racist tropes in travel books, mixing fact with fiction in their depictions of Africans. According to accounts from the time, black men were often described as having “enormous” penises, and one writer claimed that African men were “equipped with such penises as they find burdensome,” as detailed in the article Guardian article by Afui Hirsch.

The alt-right’s obsession with black men’s bodies is nothing new – it’s a modern incarnation of an old fear that 20th-century psychoanalyst Frantz Fanon called “negrophobia.” In his 1952 work Black leather, white masksFanon analyzed in detail how racism is fueled by a toxic mix of fear and sexual desire in which black men are reduced to hypersexual threats. This fixation is linked to the “Mandingo” stereotype, born of post-abolition fears that portrayed black men as dangerously masculine. White men feared not only their political and economic power, but also the perceived sexual threat to white women. This fear fueled interracial marriage laws and an obsession with maintaining “racial purity,” which often led to brutal acts of violence.

As Mashable Features editor Rachel Thompson explains in Sharp: How violence got into the bedroom and what we can do about itthese concerns date back to slavery, when rape was only considered a crime if it involved a white woman. Under the system of chattel slavery, especially in Louisiana, the rape of a black woman – whether she was slave or free – was not considered a crime. In contrast, the rape or attempted rape of a white woman by an enslaved black man could result in the death penalty.

Movies like The birth of a nation (1915) later resurrected and mainstreamed these racist stereotypes, helping to reignite the Ku Klux Klan and perpetuate the dangerous myth of the hypersexual black male.

The same fear underlay tragic events such as the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921, when a false accusation of sexual assault by a black man on a white woman sparked one of the deadliest outbreaks of racial violence in American history . Similarly, in 1955, the murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till, who was lynched for allegedly flirting with a white woman, became a powerful symbol of the deadly consequences of racist fears and the systemic violence they perpetuate.

Even today, these fears manifest in phrases such as “white women’s tears,” in which white women exploit their perceived hierarchical status in situations against people of color that would benefit them. For example, the Amy Cooper incident in Central Park, during which Cooper falsely claimed that an “African American man” was threatening her, even though no actual threat existed.

Possibility of mixing after dark

Given its historical context, interracial cuckold porn taps into these old fears, turning them into a modern spectacle of sexual racism. What may seem like a simple act of humiliation – a husband watching his wife with another man – is burdened with deep-seated fears.

Content created by sites like Blacked perpetuates the narrative that white women are “betraying their race” by engaging in sexual relations with black men, a dynamic rooted in racist fear of racial mixing. The consequence of this is that by choosing a black partner, these women reject white men and, therefore, question the so-called “purity” of the white race.

Given its historical context, interracial cuckold porn taps into these old fears, turning them into a modern spectacle of sexual racism.

According to Stabile, “At this point, the husband represents the entire white race,” reinforcing the idea that this act of “betrayal” transcends personal relationships and taps into long-standing racial anxieties about power, sexuality, and dominance.

Donald Trump and the “criminal”

The term “cuck,” short for cuckold, was aggressively co-opted by the alt-right during Trump’s first presidential campaign in 2016 and then gained momentum in the manosphere, evolving from its 13th-century origins as “the husband of an adulterous wife.” When used by the alt-right, the word becomes pejorative – a weaponized insult to anyone perceived as weak, emasculated, or insufficiently committed to the cause of white supremacy. As Maureen Kosse, a doctoral student in linguistics at the University of Colorado at Boulder, explained: “What (the far right) really means when they use the term ‘cuck’ is that white men are degraded or undermined by Black and brown men who they take what is rightfully theirs, which is white women.”

This narrative gained traction during the 2016 election, a period in which former President Donald Trump dominated. Trump’s rise to the Republican presidential nomination and ultimate victory, along with his aggressive rhetoric and rejection of political correctness, created the perfect backdrop for these terms to flourish.

In this way, “cuck” has become a litmus test in right-wing circles, used to measure commitment to preserving white male dominance. The use of the word “cuckold” – a portmanteau of the words “cuckold” and “conservative” – further entrenched the insult in the political lexicon, specifically targeting right-wingers who were perceived as betraying their race or conservative values.

Kosse notes that the main targets became figures such as Jeb Bush, who often faced insults because of his marriage to Mexican-born Columba Bush and his relatively moderate stance on immigration. For the far right, interracial relationships symbolize the ultimate threat to white male supremacy. To a lesser extent, the same problem applies to the current Republican Party vice presidential candidate JD Vance and his wife Usha, who is of Indian descent.

“Control over white women is as central to white supremacy as whiteness itself,” Kosse argued. “White men have always been obsessed with the idea of ​​black men having sex with white women because it inverts their entire worldview, creating a kind of erotic charge that they both fear and fetishize.”

The dichotomy between fear and fetishization is common in the alt-right, where public postures of power mask private insecurities. As Kosse explained, by indulging in these fantasies, they both confront their fears and reinforce them. The scenario of a white man being humiliated by a black man is both a nightmare and a confirmation of their distorted worldview.

“Fear of humiliation is the main reason they watch (interracial porn). But also because in its own strange way it confirms their own worldview,” Kosse said.

Let’s get something straight: not every white guy who clicks on interracial porn is some right-wing, neo-Nazi incel. However, if you follow the lawsuits, thought pieces, Reddit threads, and in-depth academic analyzes of this content, it is quite obvious that it is not created with black men or white women as its primary audience.

Pornographic habits of the anti-pornography party

As the manosphere and its influencers like Andrew Tate and Jordan Peterson have grown in popularity in recent years since Covid-19, the constant dividing line between them all is their anti-pornography and anti-masturbation stance.

The manosphere’s disdain for pornography and masturbation is deeply rooted in its obsession with power, domination, and traditional gender roles. In these communities, porn is seen as a tool that weakens men, both physically and mentally, by promoting passive pleasure-seeking behavior that is seen as contrary to ideals of masculinity.

The anti-masturbation stance of the manosphere intersects with broader right-wing ideologies, such as those promoted by initiatives such as Project 2025, which aims to eliminate pornography for moral and cultural reasons. Both the manosphere and these right-wing groups view pornography, especially interracial pornography, as a threat to the social fabric, believing that it undermines traditional values ​​and weakens male dominance.

Yet despite the moral outrage that conservatives often express about pornography, the data consistently shows that interest in pornography is higher in conservative states. Research suggests that, although limited, residents of these areas are among the most ardent consumers of adult content, especially in regions with strong religious and political conservatism.

As one study notes, while individual religiosity and political conservatism generally predict lower rates of pornography consumption, evangelicals living in more politically conservative states actually report higher rates of porn use.

“When you are obsessed with power, you will also be obsessed with domination,” Stabile noted. “But often our sexual fantasies and fetishes express our fears. So while they may talk about domination in public, in private they may explore submission fantasies.”